Showing posts with label Karol Alejandra Arambula Carrillo. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Karol Alejandra Arambula Carrillo. Show all posts

Thursday, 1 August 2013

Unresolved business: Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (UNICEF)


By Karol Alejandra Arámbula Carrillo
Feministing / July 2013


As many as 30 million girls are at risk of being cut over the next decade if current trends persist, says UNICEF in its most recent report on FGM/C.
A total of 125 million women and young girls suffer the consequences of FGM/C as a result of social convention practices which are far from being eradicated. Even though the majority of men and women wish this to end, UNICEF’s report suggest that the number of victims will continue if adequate prevention programs are not implemented.
Currently, 29 African countries continue to practice FGM/C in which over the half of victims who are cut come mostly from Egypt (27.2 million), Ethiopia (23.8 million) and Nigeria (19.9 million). In half of the countries, the majority of victims were mutilated before the age of 5, while in the rest of the countries, cutting occurs between the ages of 5 to 14. Most daughters have had their genitalia cut and some flesh removed by traditional practitioners who are socially accepted, some of them also women and professional medical personnel.
The percentage of girls who are cut can be found across Africa and the Middle East, being the highest Somalia with 98%, Guinea 96%, Djibouti 95%, Egypt 91%, Eritrea 89%, Mali 89%, Sierra Leone 88% and Sudan with 88%. Other countries have showed a decrease, such as Liberia with 66%, Côte d’Ivoire 38% and Senegal with 26%. At the end of the scale Niger with 2%, Cameroon and Uganda with 1% show the lowest FGM/C cases.
Tendencies indicate that FGM/C is becoming less common, while opinions vary within the 29 countries studied by UNICEF. For example, 82% of women and girls who have been victims of FGM/C think the practice should continue, compared to 5% of girls and women who have not been cut. In Chad, 27% of men and boys think FGM/C is required by religion. In Ethiopia, 41% of girls and women with no education support the FGM/C, compared to the 5% of girls and women with secondary or higher education. In other countries such as Kenya, 59% of girls and women who have been cut do not see the benefits to the practice, while in Nigeria, 35% of men and boys and 31% of women and girls report that they do not know what the opposite sex thinks about this practice. Women in the United Republic of Tanzania aged 45 to 49 are approximately three times more likely to have been cut than girls aged 15 to 19, indicating that practices are in fact decreasing.  
FMG/C continues to pose a threat to millions of women. As concluded by UNICEF, genital cutting is often assumed to be a manifestation of patriarchal control over women, which suggests that men would be strong supporters of this practice.  Marriageability was often position as a motivation for FGM/C; however, relatively few women report this to be the case. Along with this was virginity, which was a common response of boys and men to questions regarding the benefits of FGM/C practices.
International efforts have taken place since 1979, when FGM/C appeared for the first time on the international agenda of the WHO Seminar on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children, all the way to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW); the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (1990), the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing (1995), the International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation (2003) and most recently, UN’s General Assembly first resolution calling on States to intensify efforts to eliminate FGM/C (2012) and the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (2013).
Overall, attitudes that support the practice are declining, even in countries such as Egypt or Sudan. Progress has been confirmed by different initiatives that tackle this issue. Yet measuring aspects of FGM/C will need to continue for at least 20 ears, in both high and love prevalence countries, along with all the necessary efforts to achieve its irreversible eliminations. Political willingness will continue to play a key role in implementing these measures in favor of millions of women and girls.

Sunday, 14 July 2013

Women in Diplomacy: A Mexican Perspective







I grew up in a changing world that recognized many international human rights instruments, including of course those related to women’s human rights. Regional and international documents would protect us from all evils. My government had strong statements and commitments towards women, frequently repeating ‘we will overcome gender inequalities’. I smiled, even though I was a young child, I thought ‘this is great!’ But as years passed by and became more conscious, I realized something was wrong. I had friends, family, educators and TV constantly reminding me that women were only able to perform domestic activities due to a lack of academic and professional preparation.

By mid-2000s, I realized things were changing in Mexico. Women were becoming lawyers, doctors, astronomers, among many other professions. Everything seemed to be in the right path, but something kept calling my attention: women were limitedly interested nor allowed to participate in public institutions, and the worse part! I did not see many women working along with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or at Kofi’s United Nations! I immediately recalled what I was told as a child ‘women were not born to rule the world’. I felt angry, sad, but above all, curious to find out the root causes of women’s lack of participation in international affairs, which five years later led to another personal passion and interest: to become a professional in International Relations.

This now six-year passion led to identify that from all the many issues Mexico faces in political, social, economic and cultural terms within its large and diverse population, women and girls are among the most disproportionally and directly affected people along with other linguistic minorities, disabled persons, indigenous groups, children and youth. Gender inequalities in Mexico impose great challenges to women and girls, which would hardly be tackled if underrepresentation at the local, regional and federal levels of government takes place.

Mexican society has judge and discriminated its women, even though history shows us that they have fought along with men since the Mexican Independence from Spain in 1810 and its Revolution a hundred years later. But hey! Then you find out in fact that women have been shaping Mexican history since pre-Hispanic times! Yes, women have demonstrated their ability to take part in social movements and economic structures that unfortunately were recognized until 1953, when a group of bright and talented women under the leadership of one my sheroes Amalia Caballero de Castillo Ledón – a prestigious Mexican diplomat, gave women the right to participate in the Mexican political life through the right to vote and be elected.

Despite the inclusion of women in the Mexican political life came relatively late when compared to other countries such as Germany (1918), Australia (1902), Bolivia (1958), Canada (1917), Ecuador (1929), United States (1920), Finland (1906), Ireland (1918), Mongolia (1924) and Puerto Rico (1929), these changes were a significant step towards gender equality in Mexican institutions, but at the same time, they presented the actual and unequal realities between men and women in need of tangible changes in the years to come.

Since 1953, several efforts to recognize and draw attention to women’s leadership, rights and contributions to society have been made in many arenas. However, in political terms, Mexican culture continues to conceive and sometimes define women as incapable of dealing with public affairs. Mexican society continues to position men as the dominant entity in the exercise of politics, as reflected in the limited inclusion of women in the diplomatic-consular branch of the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other diplomatic missions abroad.

In general terms, contemporary diplomacy has been perceived for many years as a male-dominated institution, which is characterized by its frequent encounters and power struggle among its actors. For this reason, it was thought that diplomacy –and several other institutions- were not a suitable place for women to explore or even understand. Not very different from what I was told during my young years. As an example of this, the Mexican government and other diplomatic missions around the world, initially admitted women as mere housekeeping managers, responsible for cleaning, cooking and other general administrative tasks that did not encourage their professional development or construct a diplomatic career.

Inside and outside Mexico, when men were absent from diplomatic missions due health problems, death or political reasons, women (diplomats’ wives) were in charge of leading the work of these institutions without official recognition. They performed their good offices and applied their academic, political, cultural, social and economic knowledge with other missions and states. They even celebrated agreements and assisted other diplomatic efforts, such as the case of widow Marguerite Wolters who had to perform the diplomatic duties of the British Consulate at Tripoli when her husband Richard Wolters died in 1771.

At the end of the 19th century, laws that regulated the Mexican diplomatic service strictly denied the right of women to represent their country in foreign offices and missions. However, people with nationalities other than Mexican were allowed to become cultural aggregates and deputy consuls, which fully highlighted the unequal opportunities between women and men.

Also during this period, ambassadors started to realize about the abilities, knowledge, linguistic variety and executive practices that women managed appropriately, and for this reason, in 1923, women started to become rapporteurs and translators in foreign offices and international conferences. Although they took direct part in international conferences and applied many of their knowledge, they continued to be employees and non-professionals in diplomatic affairs. At the same time, payment was no way near to what men earned, even though staff was highly needed due to the Second World War.

The number of women recruited and employed by the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs was increasing, but the Foreign Service Organic Act of the Diplomatic and Consular Corps, mentioned in their entrance guidelines that individuals were required ‘to be single or married to a Mexican woman’, which explicitly favoured males.

Although civil and political changes in Mexican law since 1953 were finally defeated in 1982 and women were fully allowed to participate in the Foreign Service without legal barriers, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other Mexican missions abroad continue to undermined women’s rights.

Since the creation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the 1850s, only two women have been designated as head of this office: ambassadors Rosario Green Macías (former and first female to be elected as UN Assistant Secretary General for Political Affairs) and Patricia Espinosa Cantellano. Of the 75 embassies that the Mexican government has abroad, only 9 have women ambassadors, which is equivalent to just fewer than 30% of the civil servants in this area. Women ministers occupy the 21% (compared to 79% of men); counsellors 25% (compared to 75% of men), first secretaries 24% (compared to 76% of men), second secretaries the 25% (compared to 75% of men), third secretaries as 38% (compared to 62% of men) and diplomatic aggregates 25% (compared to 75% of men).

Among the many reasons that make Mexican women lack political opportunities in diplomatic affairs, are the numerous disparities and inadequate economic, social and cultural policies implemented by the government. Roots to this significant problem can be tracked in basic familiar and institutional education, in which women are constantly taught to be politically indifferent.

In a demanding and globalized world, countries such as Mexico need to provide gender-based policies and overcome inequalities. The Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs will continue to be a man’s office until real economic, social and especially cultural reforms are adequately implemented. Education will play an important role in shaping the population’s perspectives towards the role of women in diplomatic and even security issues around the globe. Women have been capable of dealing with these issues in the past and will certainly represent a cornerstone for peace and development in Mexico’s future.

For us Mexican women interested in international affairs and diplomacy, we must still face cultural judgements and punishments, that include discrimination, sexual violence and a significant lack of credibility. We will not be able to create a balanced number between men and women in the Mexican Foreign Service until society understands that the art of diplomacy among nations can be appropriately performed by both sexes.

 By Karol Alejandra Arámbula Carrillo (GUADALAJARA, MEXICO)


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