Showing posts with label Sexual violence in conflict. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sexual violence in conflict. Show all posts

Saturday, 11 May 2013

Peace? Or Justice?


I’ve been studying this course on International Criminal Law under Professor Michael Scharf of Case Western Reserve University. My second module, specifically the part which lightly touched on the question of peace and justice and the trade-off between the both of them got me thinking. Angelina Jolie, in a short speech at an event by the Council of Foreign Relations explained that there can be no enduring peace without justice.

At first, it threw me off gear to know that there were situations where there was actually a trade off between the two. As the lecture proceeded, examples of exile-for-peace incidents were offered, revealing that leaders with blood on their hands were offered complete amnesty in exchange for their immunity from trial. When war rips a country apart by destroying its social, economic and political life, it impacts the last human being living there. He faces a complete deprivation of what he knew to be his normal life. Access to food and clean water becomes an insurmountable challenge. Violence takes over and his physical safety comes into question. He finds expenses mounting for the bare essentials that manifest themselves only in the underground or in the black market, so he hoards, and saves every last penny he can lay his hands on. In a situation like that, what a person in war would be forced to choose is peace, even if it means that the leader who allowed the atrocities to happen will be escaping trial: anything, as long as he isn’t going to commit the atrocities that he did.

I once had the honour of speaking with a renowned lawyer, Binaifer Nowrojee, who told me that the women in a war-stricken land do want justice. But that “want” gets lost in a lengthy list of several other wants, ranging right from their and their families’ safety, food, shelter, clothing, education, money and a way out of poverty, and as much semblance to normalcy as they can. There was a time when Justice was a supreme value, but today, the buzzword has decidedly become about peace, sometimes, even at the cost of justice.
What my lecture made me realise is that there isn’t always that one route to peace. Peace shouldn’t come at the cost of justice, especially if the peace we want is to be sustainable, durable and long-standing. Take Charles Taylor for example. While he was the President of Liberia, there was no dearth to the atrocities he orchestrated and implemented in neighbouring Sierra Leone. He was offered amnesty, initially, and then lived elsewhere until he started making attempts to assassinate other leaders. Had he not been given amnesty in pursuit of temporary peace, he could have been tried, and had that happened, he would not have been behind the conception and attempts of assassinations.

Sometimes, it is seemingly simply impossible to make a leader stop his atrocities against his own people, understandably so. A time comes when the international community forces itself into the country in the name of humanitarian intervention, but in many instances, such action has proven to be more destructive than anything else. So they try to come down heavily on the leader. The use of economic sanctions does not harm the leader as much as they harm the civilians, and instead of encouraging regime change, it tends to encourage the thriving of a lively black-market. The prevalence of a rule of complementarity in the only permanent court to handle International Criminal Law, the International Criminal Court, is also a hindrance to bringing these leaders to justice. By the rule, the ICC has jurisdiction only as a court of last resort, where it can take over only if a country is unwilling or unable to prosecute a leader – in which case a Security Council resolution under Chapter VII (needing consent of the permanent members) is a prerequisite.

While this is so, the mere threat of prosecution has made several leaders of the world wake up to reality and surrender to the law, such as Slobodan Milosevic in the ICTY, when Louise Arbour decided to prosecute him for his atrocities against the Kosovars. There is plenty of evidence to prove and assert that peace should come through justice, and not at the cost of it. I am no expert in the field, but I will try to offer up what I believe might help. The first step would be to get the non-signatories in the international community as a whole to wake up and warm up to the prospect of signing and ratifying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Secondly, there should be a more comprehensive expansion of the court’s jurisdiction. This does not mean suo moto powers for that might warrant arbitrariness of a different kind altogether, but rather, a mechanism where the world community can ensure that a leader is brought to book if he has a hand to play in committing war crimes and other atrocities against his own people. This would put a barrier against attempts at seeking and granting amnesty.

Peace and Justice are two sides to one coin. One cannot exist without the other: a state of peaceless-ness begets injustice, and peace achieved without justice is like sweeping dust under the carpet and calling your house clean. There should never be a choice. 

Friday, 19 April 2013

Women and the G8


April 10 marked the date when an epoch making milestone marked the longstanding fight to bring gender violence in conflict to an end. Eight foreign ministers from the world’s wealthiest countries came together under the banner of the G8 and had conflict-related sexual violence was on the agenda.

Conflict-settings have been a thriving hotbed of impunity when it comes to sexual violence. Whether it was in the Second World War, or in the Bosnia-Herzegovina war and the Rwandan war in the 1990s, or in the continued state of armed conflict in Syria and DR Congo, thousands of women have been brutally raped. Rape in conflict is a reflection of the myriads of undercurrents that prevail in society in peacetime – and when manifested so brutally in wartime, rape is destructive and detrimental to the fabric of international peace and security. UN Security Council resolutions and plenty of raw international frameworks specifically addressing sexual violence came about: but the progress itself was rather slow and incomplete. Wars continued to occur, and women were continuously bearing the brunt of sexual violence. Bodies remained battlegrounds, societies were crippled and rehabilitation was too much of a distant dream.

Till date, much of the action taken in remedying the broken lives of the women in conflict zones has been the domain of the non-profit sector and civilian participation, with a small involvement from governments and other intergovernmental organizations. These organizations have been involved in convincing the world’s leaders of the need to devote attention to the cause of women in conflict zones. Initiatives were made by the United States for the DR Congo with close reference to the conflict minerals that were being mined in the region, fuelling the continuation of sexual violence. However, this is the first official time that a concerted effort in listening and responding to sexual violence in conflict has been made.

Conflict is a hotbed for sexual violence. But this is not an issue that affects women alone. Conflict rape is a reflection of a greater ethos: the fact that women are not only disrespected, but are also the link in the chain that is sought to be broken in order to break the entire chain. Gender-based violence rips up society and leaves its every edifice shattered. And there is no doubt that this will continue to be the face of the future – even as more and more complexities in the world, political, social, economical and climatic come to fore – as women will be forced to bear the consequences of the conflicts that these factors can spark off.

What the G8 has initiated is historic, no doubt. But it has to be sustained. It is not a one-time commitment, and it is certainly not a one-meeting dialogue that will count. Sustained effort and complete overhaul is necessary. Support for survivors is one thing: but the greater need of the hour is to bring the culture of impunity to an end once and for all.